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The Panda on Our Eyelids

How Indonesians View China

Christine Susanna Tjhin Sat Aug 13 2011

The Pew Global Attitudes Survey released in mid-July reported on the views of a 1,000 Indonesians on China in comparison to the US.

To be clear, detailed datasets have not been released to the public. At the risk of oversimplifying things, let’s toy with the available information.

A majority of respondents in 15 of the 22 nations surveyed said China had either already replaced or would replace the US. However, only 8 percent of Indonesian respondents said that China replaced the US, 25 percent said China would do so and 46 percent said that China would never replace the US.

While most respondents viewed the US more favorably than China, Indonesian respondents answered differently. The US’ favorability in the eyes of Indonesian respondents went down slightly from last year from 59 percent to 54 percent, while the number of respondents with a favorable view of China increased from 58 percent to 67 percent.

More Indonesian respondents said an increase in the US’ military power and economy would be worse for Indonesia than a similar increase in China’s influence.

The survey said that 44 percent of respondents agreed that China’s growing military was good, 36 percent disagreed. Eleven percent said increasing US military power was good, while 79 percent said such an increase was negative.

On the economy, 62 percent of respondents agreed that China’s growing economy was good, while 25 percent disagreed, and 37 percent agreed that a growing US economy was good, while 53 percent disagreed.

Somewhat similar results were recorded by a 2008 survey on soft power conducted by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs (CCOGA). Basically, Indonesians were not in love with China. More respondents are worried about a potential US threat.

That 62 percent thought positively of China’s growing economy is astonishing, given generally threatening depictions of China and the ACFTA process in the media.

That 44 percent think favorably of China’s growing military might is also surprising, considering the long history of the New Order’s “triangular threat” of China, Chinese Indonesians and the Communist Party, which lingers as one of the most potent reasons behind the government’s ambiguous China policy.

In a CSIS Washington report on Indonesian assessments of US power, E.Z. Bower said that Indonesia felt caught and did not relish being asked to choose between the US and China. Indonesian elites also had a clear preference for America, viewed China as a competitor and were least likely to accommodate China.

Assuming that the reports can be used as a snapshot of Indonesian views of China from an urban or elite perspective, there appears to be a gap between the elite’s and the general public’s views of China.

Of course it would not be the first time such a gap was recorded. A relatively lower percentage of favorable views may be connected to the more prominent polemics surrounding the Tangguh gas project in West Papua, food/product safety issues and ACFTA — all of which are cases of our lack of readiness to face China.

That the favorable percentages are still above 50 percent may suggest that respondents still regard China less problematic than our own unpreparedness (government and non-government alike).

Perception is a dynamic phenomenon. The democratization process in Indonesia has allowed us to take a proactive part in shaping perceptions, instead of relying solely on one fabricated by those in power — such as the “triangular threat”.

The “New Order generation” comprises less than half of the current population. Though raised to be wary of a “triangular threat”, the current generation has a different and perhaps less prejudiced image of China than their parents.

At the end of the day, it’s not about creating a more “favorable” view of China. It’s about a more constructive and well-informed view of China.

Our ability to shape perceptions has suffered from several decades of knowledge deprivation, since the New Order castrated the three pillars of Chinese Indonesian identity (schools, media and associations) and controlled information access.

Singapore and Malaysia have been better equipped in dealing with and reaping the benefits of China’s rise — partly because they are more conversant in Mandarin and are better informed about China’s development.

An increasing number of Indonesian students have enrolled in China, mostly for short language courses. Few pursue degrees. Access of information through media will play a crucial role. We have a lot of catching up to do, lest we perpetuate the old adage: “We can see the ants across the oceans, but not the panda on our eyelids.”

Source: The Jakarta Post.

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Christine Susanna Tjhin

Christine Susanna Tjhin joined CSIS in April 2003. She was involved in Democratization Assessment in Southeast Asia program (ASEAN People's Assembly) and programs related to civil society empowerment, such as: Coalition for Participatory Policy (KKP), civil society empowerment in post tsunami Aceh, Indonesian Women Coalition for Legislative Reform, etc.

Currently the Convenor for CSIS' China Study Group, she primarily delves into studies, including: Belt and Road Initiatives in Indonesia and the region; New actors in foreign policy; Sino-Indonesian comprehensive strategic partnership. She has long built an expertise in Chinese Indonesian politics and pluralism in Indonesia through research and activism. In 2017, Christine has also been assigned as Knowledge Manager, where she is tasked to revamp the governance of CSIS knowledge assets.

Prior to joining CSIS, Christine was a Program Officer at the Indonesian Pluralism Institute (IPI) from 2002 until 2003, during which she focused on pluralism and civil society empowerment. She obtained her Bachelor degree in Management from Tarumanagara University, Jakarta. Immediately upon graduation, she was awarded the Australian Development Scholarship to pursue graduate studies at the Australian National University (ANU), Canberra and received her Master of Arts degree in East Asian studies.

In 2006, she was awarded the Gesit Overseas Charity Foundation grant to study at the International College for Chinese Studies, Fujian Teachers University, Fuzhou. From 2008 until 2016, she was Visiting Fellow and undertook doctoral program at the School of International Studies, Peking University, China. She was also Assistant Lecturer for the Peking University and London School of Economics double master degree program.

In 2012, Christine became one of the founder members of Indonesian Students Association in China (PPI Tiongkok), which currently comprises of 24 branches in major cities in China. She was Secretary General on its first year of inception and later Executive Chairman.

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Research Interest : Belt and Road Initiatives in Indonesia, Chinese politics and foreign policy, Sino-Indonesian comprehensive strategic partnership, Chinese Indonesian politics and pluralism in Indonesia.

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